Editorial Essay Series

41854 — Wages and Real Incomes

1

Overview

A wage is the price of an hour of work, and for most Australian households it is the only price that matters on the income side of the ledger. Whether living standards rise depends not on wages alone but on wages relative to prices: a 4 per cent pay rise with 7 per cent inflation is a pay cut. This entry explains how wages are measured, how they are set, what “real” wages are, and why the years since 2021 have been the worst for real wages in the history of the measure, despite the fastest nominal wage growth in fifteen years.1,2

For property the link is direct. Borrowing capacity is a multiple of income, rents are paid from income, and the ratio of house prices to incomes is the standard measure of affordability. Every one of those ratios uses the nominal wage in the numerator or denominator, so understanding what the wage figures measure, and what they leave out, is the starting point.

2

Scope & Boundaries

This entry covers:

  • What the Wage Price Index measures, and how it differs from average earnings
  • Nominal versus real wages, and the Australian record since 1998
  • How wages are set: awards, enterprise agreements, the minimum wage, and the market
  • Wages, productivity, and the link to inflation
  • What wage growth means for borrowing capacity, rents, and affordability

This entry does not cover:

  • Inflation itself and how it is measured — addressed in 41852
  • Productivity growth as the long-run source of real wage growth — addressed in 41853
  • Employment, unemployment, and participation — addressed in 41856
Scope Note

This entry is educational background within an editorial essay series. Its charts use the Australian Bureau of Statistics Wage Price Index and consumer price index, cited in full at the end of the page. APN’s certified readings of Australian labour-market and inflation conditions are maintained separately in the 21200 series.

3

Key Concepts

Measuring wages: the Wage Price Index
The ABS’s Wage Price Index (WPI) is the measure this series uses. In the ABS’s words, it “measures changes in the price of labour, unaffected by compositional shifts in the labour force, hours worked or employee characteristics”.1 That last clause is the point. Average earnings can rise because well-paid workers were hired or low-paid workers were laid off, without anyone receiving a pay rise; the WPI prices a fixed basket of jobs, so it moves only when the rate for a given job changes. It is published quarterly, split by private and public sector and by industry, and the ABS’s June quarter 2026 release put annual growth at 3.2 per cent.1
Chart 1
Wage Price Index, annual change, all sectors, private and public, 1998 Q3 to 2026 Q2 (per cent)
Source: ABS Wage Price Index, total hourly rates of pay excluding bonuses, seasonally adjusted, annual percentage change.
The nominal record
Wage growth ran between 3 and 4 per cent for most of the 2000s and peaked at 4.3 per cent in the September quarter of 2007, at the top of the mining boom. It then slid for a decade: below 3 per cent from 2013, near 2 per cent from 2016, and to a low of 1.4 per cent in the December quarter of 2020, when the pandemic froze pay rounds. The tight labour market of 2022–23 lifted it to 4.3 per cent by the December quarter of 2023, the fastest since 2009, before it eased to 3.2 per cent in the June quarter of 2026, with private-sector wages at 3.1 per cent and public-sector at 3.3 per cent.1 Public-sector wages are steadier because most are set by multi-year agreements and, for several years after 2012, by explicit wage caps in the larger states.
Nominal and real wages
A nominal wage is the dollar figure on the payslip. A real wage is that figure adjusted for the prices it has to buy, and it is the only measure of whether workers are better off. Real wage growth is approximately nominal wage growth less inflation, and this series calculates it against the trimmed-mean CPI to remove the noise in headline inflation.
Chart 2
Real wage growth: WPI annual change less trimmed-mean inflation, 1998 Q3 to 2026 Q2 (percentage points)
Sources: ABS Wage Price Index (all sectors, seasonally adjusted, annual change) and ABS Consumer Price Index (trimmed mean, seasonally adjusted, annual change). The real growth series is the simple difference. Shading below zero marks quarters in which wages fell in purchasing power.
The real record
From 1998 to 2012 real wages grew by 0.8 percentage points a year on average; from 2013 to 2019 by 0.3. Then came the largest real wage fall in the history of the index. Inflation rose faster than wages from mid-2021, real wage growth reached minus 3.4 percentage points in the December quarter of 2022, and eleven consecutive quarters printed negative. Wages did not overtake prices again until 2024, and the recovery has been slight: in the June quarter of 2026 real wage growth was minus 0.5 points, because inflation had risen back above 3.5 per cent while wage growth had slowed. The cumulative arithmetic is what matters to a household. The real wage index in mid-2026 was 3.5 per cent below its level at the end of 2020, and 3.8 per cent below its peak in the June quarter of 2021. Over the whole 28 years the nominal WPI rose 135 per cent while the real wage rose 10 per cent, a reminder that almost all of the increase in pay over a working life is inflation.1,2
How wages are set
Australia has a layered system. The Fair Work Commission sets a national minimum wage and the minimum rates in more than a hundred industry awards through an Annual Wage Review each year, effective from 1 July; about a fifth of employees are paid at award rates and move with these decisions.3,4 Enterprise agreements, negotiated between an employer and its workforce for a fixed term of up to four years, cover a further third and explain why measured wage growth responds to a tight labour market with a lag: agreements struck in 2020 kept paying 2 per cent increases into 2022 regardless of inflation. The remainder, mostly in the private sector, are individual arrangements that move with the market. The result is a wage system that adjusts slowly in both directions, which cushioned workers in the 2010s and exposed them in 2022.
Wages, productivity, and inflation
Over long periods real wages can grow only as fast as output per hour worked; if pay rises faster than productivity, unit labour costs rise and either profits fall or prices rise. This is the link the RBA watches. Wage growth of 3.5 to 4 per cent is consistent with 2.5 per cent inflation only if productivity is growing at about 1 per cent a year; with productivity flat, as it has been since 2022, the same wage growth is inflationary.5 The relationship also runs the other way: when inflation expectations are anchored, wage claims stay moderate, which is one reason the 2022 inflation surge did not turn into the wage-price spiral of the 1970s and 1980s.
4

Regulatory & Legal Framework

Wages are regulated under the Fair Work Act 2009 (Cth), which establishes the Fair Work Commission, the National Employment Standards, modern awards, the enterprise bargaining framework, and the national minimum wage.3 The Commission’s Annual Wage Review, conducted each financial year with submissions from unions, employers, and governments, sets the minimum wage and award rates that apply from 1 July; its decisions are published with reasons and are the single largest administered influence on measured wage growth in the low-paid segments of the labour force.4

Public-sector wages are set by each government as employer, typically through enterprise agreements negotiated under state industrial relations systems or the federal Act, and several states have at various times imposed a wage-growth cap on their public services by policy rather than by legislation. Superannuation, a compulsory employer contribution set by Commonwealth legislation at 12 per cent of ordinary earnings, is a labour cost to the employer but is excluded from the WPI, which measures the hourly rate of pay itself.1

5

Practical Application

Borrowing capacity. Lenders assess a loan against gross income, so nominal wage growth raises borrowing capacity even when real wages are flat. Between the end of 2020 and mid-2026 nominal wages rose about 20 per cent while real wages fell; a borrower’s maximum loan rose with the nominal figure, but the repayments came out of a pay packet that bought less. This is why household budgets tightened in 2023 even for people whose income had “gone up”.

Rents. Rents are paid from income, and over long periods rent growth cannot outrun wage growth without pushing tenants to share, downsize, or move. Rent inflation of 7 to 8 per cent in 2023 against wage growth of 4 per cent was not sustainable, and the deceleration in rents since then reflects that limit as much as any change in supply.

Affordability ratios. The house price to income ratio is only as good as its denominator. Using average earnings inflates income during a hiring boom and understates it in a downturn; using the WPI removes that composition effect but measures hourly rates rather than household income, which also depends on hours worked and on how many earners a household has. Two-income households explain a large part of the rise in affordable prices since the 1990s that a single-earner ratio misses.

Reading the WPI release. The quarterly figure is the one to watch. A 1.0 per cent quarter annualises to about 4 per cent and, with productivity flat, signals inflation pressure; a 0.6 per cent quarter annualises to about 2.5 per cent and does not. The June and September quarters carry the Annual Wage Review and most public-sector increases, so they run higher than the March and December quarters; compare a quarter with the same quarter a year earlier, not with the previous one.1

This entry is part of the Understanding Money editorial essay series and is presented for general educational context. APN’s certified readings of Australian economic conditions are maintained in the 21200 Economic Factors series.