Editorial Essay Series

41855 — Economic Growth and GDP

1

Overview

Gross domestic product (GDP) is the total value of everything produced in the economy in a period, and economic growth is the rate at which that total rises. It is the most quoted number in economics and one of the most misread. It says how big the economy is, not how well off its people are; it counts a house built but not a house that has risen in price; and a growing population can lift it while every individual in the population stands still. This entry explains what GDP measures, how the ABS estimates it, what the record since 1959 shows, and why the distinction between total and per-person growth has mattered so much in Australia since 2023.1,2

2

Scope & Boundaries

This entry covers:

  • What GDP is, and the three ways the ABS measures it
  • Real versus nominal GDP, and why chain volume measures are used
  • The Australian growth record from 1959, including every recession in the series
  • GDP per capita and the 2023–25 per-capita recession
  • What GDP growth does and does not tell a property market

This entry does not cover:

  • Productivity, the long-run driver of growth per person — addressed in 41853
  • Employment and the labour market — addressed in 41856
  • The exchange rate and the terms of trade — addressed in 41858
Scope Note

This entry is educational background within an editorial essay series. Its charts use the Australian Bureau of Statistics national accounts, cited in full at the end of the page. APN’s certified readings of Australian economic conditions are maintained separately in the 21200 series.

3

Key Concepts

What GDP measures
The RBA’s explainer puts it simply: the size of an economy “is typically measured by the total production of goods and services in the economy, which is called gross domestic product (GDP)”, and economic growth “refers to an increase in the size of a country’s economy over a period of time”.2 The ABS estimates GDP three ways that must, in principle, agree: by production, adding up the value added by every industry; by income, adding up wages, profits, and taxes less subsidies; and by expenditure, adding up what households, businesses, governments, and foreigners spend on final goods and services. The published headline is the average of the three.2,3 The expenditure identity, GDP equals consumption plus investment plus government spending plus exports less imports, is the version most people meet, and it is why a fall in imports can lift measured growth even when nothing was produced.
Real GDP and chain volume measures
Nominal GDP rises when prices rise, so it is a poor measure of growth. The ABS therefore publishes chain volume measures, which reprice each period’s output at the previous year’s prices and chain the results together, so that the series moves only when the quantity of output changes.3 Every growth figure in this entry is a chain volume figure. The distinction matters in Australia more than most places because commodity prices swing the nominal figure violently: nominal GDP can rise 10 per cent in a year of high iron ore prices while real GDP grows 2 per cent, and the gap is captured by a separate measure, real gross domestic income, which adds the purchasing power of the terms of trade.
Chart 1
Real GDP, annual change, 1960 Q3 to 2026 Q2 (per cent)
Source: ABS Australian National Accounts, Table 1, GDP chain volume measures, seasonally adjusted; change on the same quarter a year earlier.
The record since 1959
Real GDP in the June quarter of 2026 was 8.65 times its level in the September quarter of 1959. Growth averaged 4.9 per cent a year in the 1960s, 3.3 in the 1970s, 3.4 in the 1980s, 3.3 in the 1990s, 3.2 in the 2000s, 2.6 in the 2010s, and 2.1 so far in the 2020s: a steady deceleration that is mostly slower population and productivity growth rather than more frequent downturns. Using the common definition of a recession as two consecutive quarters of falling output, the series contains seven: 1961, 1971–72, 1975, 1977, 1982–83, 1990–91, and 2020. Between the June quarter of 1991 and the March quarter of 2020 there were none, a run of almost 29 years that was the longest of any developed economy and that ended only with the pandemic, when output fell 6.8 per cent in a single quarter, the largest fall in the series by a wide margin. Annual growth was 2.1 per cent in the year to June 2026.1,5
Chart 2
Real GDP per capita, annual change, 1974 Q3 to 2026 Q2 (per cent)
Source: ABS Australian National Accounts, Table 1, GDP per capita chain volume measures, seasonally adjusted; change on the same quarter a year earlier. The series begins in 1973, so the annual change begins in 1974.
GDP per capita
Dividing GDP by population gives output per person, the crude but standard measure of material living standards. The RBA’s own caution is the right one: “if GDP rose by 2 per cent one year, but the population grew by 4 per cent, then average GDP per person would have decreased.”2 Real GDP per capita in mid-2026 was 2.2 times its 1973 level, but the growth has slowed sharply: 2.1 per cent a year in the 1990s and 1.0 per cent in the 2010s. From the June quarter of 2023 to the March quarter of 2025 it fell for eight consecutive quarters on an annual basis, the longest per-capita contraction in the series. Total GDP kept growing throughout, because record migration was adding people faster than the economy was adding output. By the June quarter of 2026 per-capita GDP was growing again, at 0.7 per cent, but was still 0.4 per cent below its December 2022 peak.1,5
Chart 3
Real GDP, level, 1959 Q3 to 2026 Q2 (chain volume measures, $ billion)
Source: ABS Australian National Accounts, Table 1, GDP chain volume measures, seasonally adjusted, quarterly, $ billion. The 2020 dip and the 2021 lockdown quarter are visible as the only sharp breaks in the series.
What GDP leaves out
GDP counts market production. It does not count unpaid work in the home, the depletion of natural resources, or the distribution of income; as the RBA notes, it “doesn’t tell us anything about how evenly national income is split across the population”.2 For property the omissions are specific. Rising house prices are not GDP, because no new output is produced when an existing house changes hands at a higher price; only the agent’s commission and the conveyancing are counted. New construction is GDP, under dwelling investment. Rent is GDP, including an imputed rent that the national accounts assign to owner-occupiers as if they rented their own homes, which is one of the largest single items in household consumption. So a housing boom driven by prices adds little to measured growth, while a building boom adds a lot.3
4

Regulatory & Legal Framework

The national accounts are compiled by the ABS to the international System of National Accounts standard, so that Australian GDP is comparable with that of other countries; the concepts, sources, and methods are published in full.3 The quarterly release arrives about nine weeks after the end of the quarter, and each release revises the previous several quarters as more complete data replace early estimates, so the first print of any quarter should be treated as provisional.1

No law targets GDP growth as such. The RBA’s mandate under the Reserve Bank Act 1959 is price stability and full employment, and growth enters its decisions as the driver of both.2 The Commonwealth Treasury’s Intergenerational Report, published every five years, projects GDP and GDP per capita forty years ahead and is the reference document for the long-run growth assumptions that underpin fiscal policy; its 2023 edition projected slower growth than any of its predecessors, on the basis of an ageing population and lower productivity growth.4

5

Practical Application

Growth and property demand. Total GDP growth is a poor guide to property demand because it conflates more people with more output per person. Population growth lifts demand for dwellings directly; per-capita growth lifts the capacity to pay for them. The 2023–25 period had strong total growth and falling per-capita output, which produced rising rents and a housing shortage alongside falling real incomes, a combination that a headline growth figure alone would not have predicted.

Recessions and prices. Australian house prices have fallen in every recession in the series and in several slowdowns that did not qualify as recessions, and they fell in 2022–23 with no recession at all, because interest rates rose. Growth is one input to the property cycle, not the driver; interest rates and credit availability, addressed in 41851 and 41857, matter more over a horizon of two to three years.

Reading the release. The quarterly growth figure is noisy and revised; the through-the-year figure is the one to compare with the decade averages above. A quarter of zero growth with the population growing at 2 per cent is a per-capita fall of about 0.5 per cent in that quarter, which is the number households actually feel. And a rise in GDP driven by inventories or imports says nothing about domestic demand; the release’s own measure of domestic final demand is the better guide to conditions in the sectors that buy and rent property.1

This entry is part of the Understanding Money editorial essay series and is presented for general educational context. APN’s certified readings of Australian economic conditions are maintained in the 21200 Economic Factors series.